صحيفة النيويورك تايمز .. العدد الاخير
ــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــ ــــــــــــــــــــــ
التسريبات التى أحرقت السيسي أفقدته الشرعيه ..
والجيش يبحث عن مخرج ..
قالت صحيفة "نيويورك تايمز" الأمريكية:. الجيش المصري وصل الى مرحلة التحزب وصراع الاجيال
وأضافت الصحيفة أن السيسي – الذي تلقى تدريبه في الولايات المتحدة – ظل
وفيا لها حتى الان وبدا الوفاء جليا وقتما قتلت الطائره الاسرائليه 4
مصريين في سيناء ولم يعترض السيسي ولم يصدر اى شكل من أشكال الاحتجاج من أى
مؤسسه وهذ ما أغضب بعض العسكريين حينها
والان سامى عنان قائد الاركان
السابق والرجل الثانى في الجيش المصري لسنوات يتهم من الاعلام الذى يسيطر
عليه العسكر بأنه سرق المليارات من أموال الشعب وشيّد قصورا وأستولى على
أراضي وهذا أيضا أغضب الكثيرين ممن لازالت في أيديهم خيوط الجيش واعتبرو
الهجوم على عنان تطاولا لا يغتفر فخرجت التسريبات لتحرق الجنرال الصغير
الاميركى التدريب والتبعيه وتصوره كما لو كان شيطانا يريد أن يسيطر على كل
شئ
تسريبات خطيره ويقال أن الاخطر منها لم ينشر بعد مما يعنى أن الجيش انفلت عقد ادارته وأصبح سقوط النظام أسهل من ذي قبل
CAIRO — A leaked video
of senior Egyptian Army officers debating how to influence the news
media during the months preceding the military takeover offers a rare
glimpse of the anxiety within the institution at the prospect of
civilian oversight.
In the leaked six-minute clip of a private meeting led by Gen.
Abdul-Fattah el-Sisi in the period before his July 3 ouster of President
Mohamed Morsi, the officers express their dismay at public scrutiny of
the army, unknown in Egypt until after the 2011 uprising. Calling even
mildly disrespectful news coverage “dangerous” and abnormal, the
officers call for a restoration of “red lines” that had protected the
military for decades. And they urge General Sisi to pressure the roughly
two dozen big media owners into “self-censorship.”
Mixing humor and cool confidence, General Sisi tells the officers that
they must adjust to the new reality of public and parliamentary
oversight, but he also counsels patience while he recruits allies in the
news media.
“Building a statewide alliance takes a long time and effort,” he
continues. “It takes a very long time until you possess an appropriate
share of influence over the media.”
“The revolution has dismantled all the shackles that were present — not
just for us, not just for the military, but for the entire state,” he
says at another point. “The rules and the shackles were dismantled, and
they are being rearranged.”
The officers’ winter uniforms and references to last December’s
constitutional referendum suggest the meeting took place around that
time. But the conversation foreshadowed the broad media crackdown
that has played out since the military takeover. The new government has
shut down Islamist television networks and the main newspaper
supporting Mr. Morsi, and the police have arrested several journalists
perceived as critical of the government or the military. And for
whatever reason, privately owned newspapers and satellite networks now
resound with cheers for the army and demonization of its Islamist
opponents, just as the officers hoped.
The leak of the video, though, may raise different alarms. The clip was one of several snippets
of the same meeting released Wednesday night and Thursday by RNN, an
Islamist Web site, and in an interview, its acting director, Amr Farrag,
said the material was obtained from “sources inside the military.”
Military officials said Thursday that the army was starting an
investigation.
Analysts said the video offered insights into motivations that might
have helped propel the military’s takeover. “It betrays a real fear of
what democratic discourse might look like and what that would mean for
the military, in terms of what might be talked about and what might be
exposed,” said Michael Wahid Hanna, a researcher on Egypt at the Century Foundation in New York.
The officers’ thin skin about the loss of the military’s “red lines,” he
argued, is symptomatic of a much deeper worry. “If the military can be
talked about in these unprecedented ways, the concern is that it erodes
the stature of the military in the public imagination, and then the role
of the military as an institution is potentially under threat.”
A senior Egyptian military officer, speaking on the condition of
anonymity because he was not authorized as a spokesman, argued that the
video showed General Sisi in a positive light. He appears to defuse the
anger of his officers and encourage them to adjust to democracy,
including the possibility of facing questions from an independent
Parliament.
The military cannot “take things back to the way it was before, when
nobody mentions your name or talks about you, not yet,” General Sisi
tells an officer, addressing him by his first name. “We have entered a
new situation, and we will be forced, Omar, to deal with it.”
“A Parliament is still coming,” General Sisi says. “This Parliament may
request hearings. What are we going to do about that, I wonder?”
He adds, “We have to be prepared to face these changes without being too
negatively affected by them, but they will affect us.”
But at the same time, General Sisi also appears to share much of the
officers’ frustration. The officer named Omar argues that in any state,
“there are red lines to protect the armed forces from the media, and the
truth is we have enjoyed this protection for 50 years.” But because of
the “lack of discipline” after the 2011 ouster of President Hosni
Mubarak, he says, “these lines were lost, and people and the media rode
roughshod over us in a way that isn’t normal.”
“Correct,” General Sisi replies.
“These red lines, Omar, are for all of us,” he adds. “The law, the law,
the law does not permit, even now, media outlets to cover any news about
the armed forces, Omar, even if just a name in an obituary, without the
approval of the military intelligence.”
Omar argues that the military must restore protections, but “in a more
developed way than the old system,” using “a new approach to deal with
the media or enlist it, to create red lines in a respectable or new or
realistic way.”
He notes that a group of about two dozen businessmen own most of Egypt’s
media outlets, and suggests “a dialogue with those people in an
unannounced way, individually, to cajole or intimidate those people.” He
says many of them are eager for positive relations with the military — a
major political force with its own commercial empire — and suggests
that “showing a red card to those people will make them, even if they
don’t cooperate, stop at a certain line or limit through
self-censorship.”
Perhaps General Sisi should replace the military’s boyish-looking
spokesman, Col. Ahmed Aly, with an officer with more gravitas, the
officer suggests, “to satisfy the people’s mental image of the
military.”
General Sisi jokes to ease the tension. “I know about cajoling, but tell
me how to intimidate!” he responds, laughing. As for the young
spokesman, General Sisi explains, deadpan, “Ahmed Aly is very attractive
to women.”
He reassures the officers that he is working to address the media
problem. “We have been concerned with the media ever since the first day
of the council,” he says, referring to the military council that ruled
for more than a year after Mr. Mubarak, a period when the military was
widely criticized for killing protesters and sexually abusing women, as
well as mismanaging the economy and the transition. “We have tasted
fire,” General Sisi recalls.
He says he has already begun to carry out some of the officer’s
suggestions, including new military outreach to private media, to
operate alongside the government’s official spokesmen. “We want to have
the opportunity to present ourselves through more than one officer and
in more than one form,” he says.
“We are working on this, for sure,” he tells the officers. “We’re
achieving better results. But we haven’t reached what we want.”
Mayy El Sheikh contributed reporting.
صحيفة النيويورك تايمز .. العدد الاخير
ــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــ ــــــــــــــــــــــ
التسريبات التى أحرقت السيسي أفقدته الشرعيه ..
والجيش يبحث عن مخرج ..
قالت صحيفة "نيويورك تايمز" الأمريكية:. الجيش المصري وصل الى مرحلة التحزب وصراع الاجيال
وأضافت الصحيفة أن السيسي – الذي تلقى تدريبه في الولايات المتحدة – ظل وفيا لها حتى الان وبدا الوفاء جليا وقتما قتلت الطائره الاسرائليه 4 مصريين في سيناء ولم يعترض السيسي ولم يصدر اى شكل من أشكال الاحتجاج من أى مؤسسه وهذ ما أغضب بعض العسكريين حينها
والان سامى عنان قائد الاركان السابق والرجل الثانى في الجيش المصري لسنوات يتهم من الاعلام الذى يسيطر عليه العسكر بأنه سرق المليارات من أموال الشعب وشيّد قصورا وأستولى على أراضي وهذا أيضا أغضب الكثيرين ممن لازالت في أيديهم خيوط الجيش واعتبرو الهجوم على عنان تطاولا لا يغتفر فخرجت التسريبات لتحرق الجنرال الصغير الاميركى التدريب والتبعيه وتصوره كما لو كان شيطانا يريد أن يسيطر على كل شئ
تسريبات خطيره ويقال أن الاخطر منها لم ينشر بعد مما يعنى أن الجيش انفلت عقد ادارته وأصبح سقوط النظام أسهل من ذي قبل
ــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــ
التسريبات التى أحرقت السيسي أفقدته الشرعيه ..
والجيش يبحث عن مخرج ..
قالت صحيفة "نيويورك تايمز" الأمريكية:. الجيش المصري وصل الى مرحلة التحزب وصراع الاجيال
وأضافت الصحيفة أن السيسي – الذي تلقى تدريبه في الولايات المتحدة – ظل وفيا لها حتى الان وبدا الوفاء جليا وقتما قتلت الطائره الاسرائليه 4 مصريين في سيناء ولم يعترض السيسي ولم يصدر اى شكل من أشكال الاحتجاج من أى مؤسسه وهذ ما أغضب بعض العسكريين حينها
والان سامى عنان قائد الاركان السابق والرجل الثانى في الجيش المصري لسنوات يتهم من الاعلام الذى يسيطر عليه العسكر بأنه سرق المليارات من أموال الشعب وشيّد قصورا وأستولى على أراضي وهذا أيضا أغضب الكثيرين ممن لازالت في أيديهم خيوط الجيش واعتبرو الهجوم على عنان تطاولا لا يغتفر فخرجت التسريبات لتحرق الجنرال الصغير الاميركى التدريب والتبعيه وتصوره كما لو كان شيطانا يريد أن يسيطر على كل شئ
تسريبات خطيره ويقال أن الاخطر منها لم ينشر بعد مما يعنى أن الجيش انفلت عقد ادارته وأصبح سقوط النظام أسهل من ذي قبل
CAIRO — A leaked video
of senior Egyptian Army officers debating how to influence the news
media during the months preceding the military takeover offers a rare
glimpse of the anxiety within the institution at the prospect of
civilian oversight.
In the leaked six-minute clip of a private meeting led by Gen.
Abdul-Fattah el-Sisi in the period before his July 3 ouster of President
Mohamed Morsi, the officers express their dismay at public scrutiny of
the army, unknown in Egypt until after the 2011 uprising. Calling even
mildly disrespectful news coverage “dangerous” and abnormal, the
officers call for a restoration of “red lines” that had protected the
military for decades. And they urge General Sisi to pressure the roughly
two dozen big media owners into “self-censorship.”
Mixing humor and cool confidence, General Sisi tells the officers that
they must adjust to the new reality of public and parliamentary
oversight, but he also counsels patience while he recruits allies in the
news media.
“Building a statewide alliance takes a long time and effort,” he
continues. “It takes a very long time until you possess an appropriate
share of influence over the media.”
“The revolution has dismantled all the shackles that were present — not
just for us, not just for the military, but for the entire state,” he
says at another point. “The rules and the shackles were dismantled, and
they are being rearranged.”
The officers’ winter uniforms and references to last December’s
constitutional referendum suggest the meeting took place around that
time. But the conversation foreshadowed the broad media crackdown
that has played out since the military takeover. The new government has
shut down Islamist television networks and the main newspaper
supporting Mr. Morsi, and the police have arrested several journalists
perceived as critical of the government or the military. And for
whatever reason, privately owned newspapers and satellite networks now
resound with cheers for the army and demonization of its Islamist
opponents, just as the officers hoped.
The leak of the video, though, may raise different alarms. The clip was one of several snippets
of the same meeting released Wednesday night and Thursday by RNN, an
Islamist Web site, and in an interview, its acting director, Amr Farrag,
said the material was obtained from “sources inside the military.”
Military officials said Thursday that the army was starting an
investigation.
Analysts said the video offered insights into motivations that might
have helped propel the military’s takeover. “It betrays a real fear of
what democratic discourse might look like and what that would mean for
the military, in terms of what might be talked about and what might be
exposed,” said Michael Wahid Hanna, a researcher on Egypt at the Century Foundation in New York.
The officers’ thin skin about the loss of the military’s “red lines,” he
argued, is symptomatic of a much deeper worry. “If the military can be
talked about in these unprecedented ways, the concern is that it erodes
the stature of the military in the public imagination, and then the role
of the military as an institution is potentially under threat.”
A senior Egyptian military officer, speaking on the condition of
anonymity because he was not authorized as a spokesman, argued that the
video showed General Sisi in a positive light. He appears to defuse the
anger of his officers and encourage them to adjust to democracy,
including the possibility of facing questions from an independent
Parliament.
The military cannot “take things back to the way it was before, when
nobody mentions your name or talks about you, not yet,” General Sisi
tells an officer, addressing him by his first name. “We have entered a
new situation, and we will be forced, Omar, to deal with it.”
“A Parliament is still coming,” General Sisi says. “This Parliament may
request hearings. What are we going to do about that, I wonder?”
He adds, “We have to be prepared to face these changes without being too
negatively affected by them, but they will affect us.”
But at the same time, General Sisi also appears to share much of the
officers’ frustration. The officer named Omar argues that in any state,
“there are red lines to protect the armed forces from the media, and the
truth is we have enjoyed this protection for 50 years.” But because of
the “lack of discipline” after the 2011 ouster of President Hosni
Mubarak, he says, “these lines were lost, and people and the media rode
roughshod over us in a way that isn’t normal.”
“Correct,” General Sisi replies.
“These red lines, Omar, are for all of us,” he adds. “The law, the law,
the law does not permit, even now, media outlets to cover any news about
the armed forces, Omar, even if just a name in an obituary, without the
approval of the military intelligence.”
Omar argues that the military must restore protections, but “in a more
developed way than the old system,” using “a new approach to deal with
the media or enlist it, to create red lines in a respectable or new or
realistic way.”
He notes that a group of about two dozen businessmen own most of Egypt’s
media outlets, and suggests “a dialogue with those people in an
unannounced way, individually, to cajole or intimidate those people.” He
says many of them are eager for positive relations with the military — a
major political force with its own commercial empire — and suggests
that “showing a red card to those people will make them, even if they
don’t cooperate, stop at a certain line or limit through
self-censorship.”
Perhaps General Sisi should replace the military’s boyish-looking
spokesman, Col. Ahmed Aly, with an officer with more gravitas, the
officer suggests, “to satisfy the people’s mental image of the
military.”
General Sisi jokes to ease the tension. “I know about cajoling, but tell
me how to intimidate!” he responds, laughing. As for the young
spokesman, General Sisi explains, deadpan, “Ahmed Aly is very attractive
to women.”
He reassures the officers that he is working to address the media
problem. “We have been concerned with the media ever since the first day
of the council,” he says, referring to the military council that ruled
for more than a year after Mr. Mubarak, a period when the military was
widely criticized for killing protesters and sexually abusing women, as
well as mismanaging the economy and the transition. “We have tasted
fire,” General Sisi recalls.
He says he has already begun to carry out some of the officer’s
suggestions, including new military outreach to private media, to
operate alongside the government’s official spokesmen. “We want to have
the opportunity to present ourselves through more than one officer and
in more than one form,” he says.
“We are working on this, for sure,” he tells the officers. “We’re
achieving better results. But we haven’t reached what we want.”
Mayy El Sheikh contributed reporting.
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